In the typical poor economy, most of the income gap with the United States is a productivity gap

0.71 The median share of an economy’s gap in output per worker with the United States that is due to TFP, 143 economies, 2023

Not machines, not schooling: the part that capital and workers leave unexplained. Today we measure it, for any economy you choose, with the Penn World Table and a few lines of Python.

Three questions for today

  • Data. What does the Penn World Table measure, and which numbers can we compare across countries and over time?
  • Growth accounting. How much of an economy’s GDP growth came from more capital, more workers, and higher productivity?
  • Development accounting. How much of the income gap between a poor economy and the United States is due to capital, schooling, and productivity?

Two methods, one production function

Growth accounting Development accounting
Question Why did this economy grow? Why is this economy poorer?
Compares one economy with its own past economies with each other, in one year
Works with growth rates of GDP, capital, labour levels of output per worker, capital, schooling
Result contributions in percentage points shares of the gap with the United States
Follows the Growth Atlas Caunedo, STEG Lecture 2

In both, total factor productivity is the residual: what the measured inputs leave unexplained.

The Penn World Table and the framework

Act I

One production function frames both methods

\[Y = A\,K^{\alpha}\,L^{1-\alpha}, \qquad \alpha = 0.33\]

  • \(Y\) output, \(K\) physical capital, \(L\) labour: measured in national accounts
  • \(A\) total factor productivity (TFP): not measured, found as the residual
  • \(\alpha\) the capital share, the same everywhere: about one third (Hall and Jones 1999)

Measure what you can, and call the rest productivity.

The Penn World Table makes output and inputs comparable across 185 economies

What it provides

  • GDP at purchasing power parity: a dollar buys the same basket everywhere
  • Capital stocks built from past investment
  • Workers, their hours and a human capital index from schooling
  • 185 economies, 1950–2023, prices of 2021 (version 11.0)

Two kinds of series

  • National prices (rgdpna, rnna): growth over time, within an economy → growth accounting
  • PPP (rgdpo, cgdpo, cn): levels across economies in one year → development accounting

Which data exist, and for how many economies?

Can we measure workers’ hours and schooling for every economy, as we can measure GDP?

Hours exist for far fewer economies than GDP or capital

Data: Penn World Table 11.0 (Feenstra, Inklaar and Timmer 2015); file data/appD/pwt_accounting.csv. Chart inspired by the discussion of the Penn World Table in Chapter 3 of Jones (2024), Macroeconomics, 6th ed.

Coverage decides which comparisons we can make

  • GDP, capital and workers: about 180 economies since 2000
  • Hours: about 50 economies before 1990, mostly rich ones; 130 since 2010
  • So the default labour input is persons engaged; hours and schooling are options

Look at your data before you analyse it: missing hours would quietly drop most poor economies.

Loading the data takes two lines of pandas

PWT_URL = "https://dataverse.nl/api/access/datafile/554030"   # the official pwt110.dta
official = pd.read_stata(PWT_URL)                             # 13,690 rows, 51 columns

pwt = pd.read_csv(DATA_URL + "pwt_accounting.csv")             # the book's prepared file
COUNTRIES = ["USA", "MEX", "CHN", "IND", "KOR", "NGA"]         # your economies: change them!

Open the Appendix D notebook in Colab, replace two codes in COUNTRIES, and choose Runtime → Run all: every chart updates.

Growth accounting

Act II

From the production function to the growth accounting equation

Take logs, then the change from one year to the next:

\[\ln Y_t = \ln A_t + \alpha \ln K_t + (1-\alpha)\ln L_t\]

The change in a log is, approximately, the growth rate:

\[g_Y = \underbrace{\alpha\,g_K}_{\text{capital}} + \underbrace{(1-\alpha)\,g_L}_{\text{labour}} + \underbrace{g_A}_{\text{TFP}}\]

\[g_A = g_Y - \alpha\,g_K - (1-\alpha)\,g_L \qquad \text{the Solow residual}\]

In Python, the whole method is a groupby and a subtraction

growth = d.groupby("iso3")[["rgdpna", "rnna", "L"]].pct_change(fill_method=None) * 100
d["gdp"] = growth["rgdpna"]
d["capital"] = alpha * growth["rnna"]                 # alpha g_K
d["labour"] = (1 - alpha) * growth["L"]               # (1 - alpha) g_L
d["tfp"] = d["gdp"] - d["capital"] - d["labour"]      # g_A, the residual

groupby("iso3") keeps each economy’s growth rates separate, so the first year of one economy is never compared with the last year of another.

The pandemic year: what happened to U.S. productivity?

In 2020, U.S. employment fell by about 5.5 percent and GDP by 2.2 percent.

Did measured TFP rise or fall in 2020? Write down your guess.

Choose any economy: where did its GDP growth come from?

Data: Penn World Table 11.0 (Feenstra, Inklaar and Timmer 2015), rgdpna, rnna, emp. Method: the Growth Atlas. Chart inspired by the growth accounting of Chapter 6 in Jones (2024), Macroeconomics, 6th ed.

In 2020, measured TFP rose: a composition effect

  • U.S. 1990–2023: GDP 2.49 percent a year = capital 0.73 + labour 0.63 + TFP 1.13 points
  • 2020: labour −3.67 points, TFP +0.97: employment fell much more than output, so output per remaining worker rose
  • TFP swings far more from year to year than capital, which changes slowly

A one-year residual is not technology: it also absorbs who works, how hard machines run, and measurement error.

Which fast growers owe most to productivity?

China, India, Korea, Nigeria, Mexico, the United States: rank them by the share of GDP growth that came from TFP, 1990–2023.

Average contributions over a period: move the slider through the decades

Data: Penn World Table 11.0 (Feenstra, Inklaar and Timmer 2015). Method: the Growth Atlas. Chart inspired by the growth accounting of Chapter 6 in Jones (2024), Macroeconomics, 6th ed.

TFP explains more than half of China’s growth and none of Mexico’s

  • China: GDP 8.80 percent a year, TFP 4.92 points, capital 3.52
  • United States: TFP 1.13 of 2.49, close to half
  • India and Nigeria: large labour contributions, 1.39 and 2.18 points: fast-growing workforces
  • Mexico: growth came from adding capital and workers; TFP −0.11

Investment alone did not make China grow; productivity did more than half the work.

Decade by decade, for any economy

Data: Penn World Table 11.0 (Feenstra, Inklaar and Timmer 2015). Method: the Growth Atlas. Chart inspired by the growth accounting of Chapter 6 in Jones (2024), Macroeconomics, 6th ed.

As economies mature, their TFP contributions shrink

  • Korea: TFP 2.88 points a year in the 1990s, 0.13 in the 2020s
  • China: about 5.9 in the 1990s and 2000s, 2.5 in the 2020s
  • Catch-up growth borrows ideas from the frontier: the closer to it, the less there is to borrow

Fast TFP growth is a feature of catching up, not a permanent state.

The answer depends on two choices: α and the labour measure

Choice Economy Labour TFP
Persons, α = 0.33 (default) Korea 0.95 1.82
Total hours, α = 0.33 Korea 0.26 2.52
Persons, α = 0.33 (default) China 0.36 4.92
Persons, α = 0.40 China 0.32 4.21

Average contributions, percentage points a year, 1990–2023.

Hours per Korean worker fell, so counting hours moves growth from labour to TFP; a higher α moves China’s growth from TFP to capital.

“TFP growth measures technological progress”

TFP growth is the rate of technological progress.

TFP growth is a residual. Over decades it reflects ideas, organization and reallocation; in any one year it also absorbs changes in hours, skills, capacity use, commodity prices and measurement error, as 2020 showed.

Mexico’s growth puzzle: lots of investment, no productivity growth

Mexico opened to trade, stabilized prices and invested, yet TFP contributed nothing to its growth since 1990. What should policy target?

What the accounting says

  • Capital 0.83 and labour 1.57 points a year: all of the 2.29 percent growth
  • TFP −0.11: the same inputs did not become more productive
  • So more investment alone would not have closed the gap

What it leaves out

  • Why TFP stagnated: Levy (2018) points to misallocation, as informality and tax and social insurance rules keep resources in low-productivity firms
  • Whether better measurement (informal output, hours) would change the residual

Development accounting

Act III

Why is Nigeria so much poorer than the United States?

Nigeria’s output per worker is 8.5 percent of the U.S. level. How much of that gap is machines, how much is schooling, and how much is productivity?

Add schooling, then write capital relative to output

Output with physical and human capital, \(H = hL\), divided by workers:

\[y = A\,k^{\alpha}\,h^{1-\alpha}\]

Substitute \(k = (K/Y)\,y\), collect \(y\), and raise to \(1/(1-\alpha)\):

\[y = \underbrace{A^{\frac{1}{1-\alpha}}}_{\text{TFP term}} \times \underbrace{\left(\frac{K}{Y}\right)^{\frac{\alpha}{1-\alpha}}}_{\text{capital term}} \times \underbrace{h}_{\text{human capital}}\]

Each term is then divided by its U.S. value: a ratio of 0.5 means half the U.S. level.

Why the capital–output ratio, and not capital per worker?

  • A more productive economy produces more, saves more, and builds more capital: part of its high \(k\) is caused by TFP
  • In the Solow model, \(K/Y = s/(\bar{n} + \bar{d})\) in steady state: it does not depend on \(A\)
  • So the capital term measures only the capital that TFP does not explain

Credit TFP for the capital it induces, and capital for the rest.

Splitting the gap into three shares

\[\frac{y_{US}}{y_i} = \underbrace{T_i}_{\text{TFP gap}} \times \underbrace{K_i}_{\text{capital gap}} \times \underbrace{H_i}_{\text{schooling gap}}\]

\[s^{TFP}_i = \frac{T_i}{T_i + K_i H_i}\]

\[s^{K}_i = \frac{K_i}{K_i + H_i}\,(1 - s^{TFP}_i), \qquad s^{H}_i = \frac{H_i}{K_i + H_i}\,(1 - s^{TFP}_i)\]

If the TFP gap equals the gap the two inputs create together, TFP’s share is one half; if it is three times as large, three quarters.

The method in Python: three columns and a division

d["y"] = d["rgdpo"] / d["emp"]                                # output per worker
d["ky"] = (d["cn"] / d["cgdpo"]) ** (alpha / (1 - alpha))      # capital term
d["h"] = d["hc"]                                               # human capital
d["tfp"] = d["y"] / (d["ky"] * d["h"])                         # TFP term, the residual
for col in ["y", "ky", "h", "tfp"]:
    d[col + "_rel"] = d[col] / us[col]                         # United States = 1

Per hour instead of per worker? Divide by emp * avh. That is the only change.

Nigeria: which term is furthest from the U.S. level?

Output per worker is 0.085 of the U.S. level. Guess each term: the capital term, human capital, and the TFP term.

Choose any economy: its three terms relative to the United States

Data: Penn World Table 11.0 (Feenstra, Inklaar and Timmer 2015), rgdpo, cgdpo, cn, emp, hc. Method: Caunedo, STEG Lecture 2. Chart inspired by the development accounting of Chapter 4 in Jones (2024), Macroeconomics, 6th ed.

Capital is not the problem; productivity is

  • Nigeria’s capital term is 1.73, above the U.S. level: its capital is high relative to its output
  • Human capital: 0.56 of the U.S. level
  • TFP term: 0.088, so TFP accounts for 92 percent of the gap
  • India, China, Mexico and Korea: TFP shares of 0.70 to 0.78

Poor economies have little capital per worker because they produce little, not the other way round.

Across all economies, the poorer the economy, the larger the TFP share

Data: Penn World Table 11.0 (Feenstra, Inklaar and Timmer 2015). Method: Caunedo, STEG Lecture 2. Chart inspired by the development accounting of Chapter 4 in Jones (2024), Macroeconomics, 6th ed.

TFP carries most of the gap, and more so where the gap is largest

  • The 31 economies below a tenth of U.S. output per worker: TFP share 0.70 to 0.88 in most cases, median 0.81
  • Richer than the United States (Ireland, Norway, Switzerland, Singapore, Qatar, Brunei): the shares measure their lead
  • Over time the cloud drifts up: TFP explains a larger share in 2023 than in 1990

The income gaps of the poorest economies are, above all, productivity gaps.

The typical economy’s TFP share has risen since 1970

Data: Penn World Table 11.0 (Feenstra, Inklaar and Timmer 2015). Method: Caunedo, STEG Lecture 2. Chart inspired by the development accounting of Chapter 4 in Jones (2024), Macroeconomics, 6th ed.

Schooling has spread faster than productivity

  • Median TFP share: 0.44 in 1970 → 0.71 in 2023
  • The sample grows from 107 economies in 1970 to 142 from 1990 on, but the rise continues with the sample fixed
  • Human capital gaps narrowed: poor economies schooled their workers faster than they raised productivity

As schooling gaps close, what remains of the income gap is ever more a productivity gap.

Inputs explain only 16 percent of the spread of incomes

\[\text{success} = \frac{\operatorname{var}\left[\ln y^{KH}\right]}{\operatorname{var}\left[\ln y\right]}, \qquad y^{KH} = (K/Y)^{\alpha/(1-\alpha)}\,h\]

Form of the factor-only model Success, 143 economies, 2023
capital–output form (this appendix, Caunedo) 0.157
capital-per-worker form (Chapter 4, Caselli 2005) 0.301

If every economy had U.S. TFP, the spread of log output per worker would shrink by 84 percent; how much “inputs” explain depends on who gets credit for TFP-induced capital.

The result survives hours and resource rents, but not country labour shares

Variant Economies Success of inputs Median TFP share
per worker (baseline) 143 0.157 0.706
per hour (Caunedo) 119 0.151 0.713
net of resource rents 140 0.150 0.734
country labour shares 119 1.944 0.846

A success above 1 is impossible: where the labour share is tiny (Qatar 0.18), the capital exponent \((1-0.18)/0.18 \approx 4.6\) explodes.

The rising TFP share holds per hour and net of resource rents

Data: Penn World Table 11.0 (Feenstra, Inklaar and Timmer 2015); World Bank WDI, total natural resources rents. Method: Caunedo, STEG Lecture 2.

“Poor countries are poor because they lack machines”

Poor countries are poor mainly because they have too little capital.

Relative to their output, poor economies have as much capital as the United States: Nigeria’s capital term is 1.73, India’s 1.12. Capital per worker is low because output is low, and output is low mainly because TFP is low.

If productivity is the gap, what should policy target?

A finance ministry wants to close the gap with richer economies. Subsidize investment, expand schooling, or remove what keeps productivity low?

What the accounting suggests

  • Investment alone raises \(K/Y\), which is already near the U.S. level
  • Schooling closes part of the gap (Nigeria’s \(h\) is 0.56)
  • Most of the gap is TFP: how well inputs are used

What it leaves out

  • What TFP is: institutions and “social infrastructure” (Hall and Jones 1999), misallocation across firms (Hsieh and Klenow 2009), technology adoption
  • Whether hc measures skills well: Hendricks and Schoellman (2023) find a larger role for human capital

A skeptic: “TFP is just a measure of our ignorance”

A skeptic says: “You call the residual productivity, but it is simply everything you failed to measure. Saying it explains 70 percent of the gap says nothing.”

Reply: the skeptic is half right, which is the point. Abramovitz (1956) called the residual “a measure of our ignorance”. Accounting shows how big that ignorance is, and robustness checks (hours, rents, schooling) show it does not go away when we measure more. That is why growth theory, from Solow to Romer, is about TFP.

What to remember from this appendix

  • I. The Penn World Table gives comparable output and inputs for 185 economies: national-price series for growth, PPP series for levels
  • II. Growth accounting splits GDP growth into capital, labour and TFP: since 1990, TFP did more than half of China’s growth, close to half of U.S. growth, and nothing in Mexico
  • III. Development accounting puts most of the income gap on TFP: the median TFP share is 0.71 in 2023, and inputs explain only 16 percent of the spread of incomes
  • Both are accounting: they say where the differences are, not why

Measured inputs explain much of growth but little of income gaps; productivity, the residual, carries most of the difference

Open the Appendix D notebook in Colab, choose your own countries, and redo every chart

Sources: data, methods and figures

Sources: research cited

  • Abramovitz, M. (1956). Resource and output trends in the United States since 1870. American Economic Review 46(2), 5–23.
  • Caselli, F. (2005). Accounting for cross-country income differences. In P. Aghion and S. Durlauf (eds.), Handbook of Economic Growth, vol. 1A, 679–741. Elsevier.
  • Feenstra, R. C., Inklaar, R., and Timmer, M. P. (2015). The next generation of the Penn World Table. American Economic Review 105(10), 3150–3182.
  • Gollin, D. (2002). Getting income shares right. Journal of Political Economy 110(2), 458–474.
  • Hall, R. E., and Jones, C. I. (1999). Why do some countries produce so much more output per worker than others? Quarterly Journal of Economics 114(1), 83–116.
  • Hendricks, L., and Schoellman, T. (2023). Skilled labor productivity and cross-country income differences. American Economic Journal: Macroeconomics 15(1), 240–268.
  • Hsieh, C.-T., and Klenow, P. J. (2009). Misallocation and manufacturing TFP in China and India. Quarterly Journal of Economics 124(4), 1403–1448.
  • Levy, S. (2018). Under-Rewarded Efforts: The Elusive Quest for Prosperity in Mexico. Inter-American Development Bank.
  • Solow, R. M. (1957). Technical change and the aggregate production function. Review of Economics and Statistics 39(3), 312–320.
  • Textbook. Jones, C. I. (2024). Macroeconomics, 6th ed. W. W. Norton (Chapters 3–6).